This allegation represents a grave matter: suggesting Rachel Reeves has deceived UK citizens, spooking them into accepting massive extra taxes which could be funneled into increased welfare payments. While hyperbolic, this isn't typical Westminster bickering; on this occasion, the consequences are more serious. Just last week, critics aimed at Reeves and Keir Starmer were calling their budget "chaotic". Now, it's branded as falsehoods, and Kemi Badenoch demanding the chancellor to quit.
This serious charge requires straightforward answers, therefore here is my assessment. Did the chancellor lied? On the available information, apparently not. There were no blatant falsehoods. But, despite Starmer's recent remarks, it doesn't follow that there is no issue here and we can all move along. The Chancellor did misinform the public regarding the factors informing her choices. Was this all to funnel cash towards "benefits street", as the Tories assert? No, and the figures demonstrate it.
The Chancellor has sustained another blow to her reputation, however, if facts continue to have anything to do with politics, Badenoch should call off her lynch mob. Perhaps the resignation yesterday of OBR head, Richard Hughes, over the unauthorized release of its own documents will satisfy Westminster's appetite for scandal.
Yet the true narrative is far stranger compared to media reports indicate, and stretches wider and further beyond the careers of Starmer and the 2024 intake. At its heart, this is an account about how much say the public have in the running of our own country. And it should worry everyone.
After the OBR released recently some of the projections it shared with Reeves as she prepared the red book, the surprise was instant. Not only had the OBR never done such a thing before (described as an "rare action"), its numbers seemingly went against the chancellor's words. While rumors from Westminster were about the grim nature of the budget was going to be, the watchdog's forecasts were getting better.
Consider the Treasury's most "unbreakable" rule, that by 2030 daily spending on hospitals, schools, and other services would be completely paid for by taxes: in late October, the watchdog reckoned this would barely be met, albeit by a minuscule margin.
A few days later, Reeves held a press conference so unprecedented that it caused breakfast TV to break from its usual fare. Weeks prior to the real budget, the country was put on alert: taxes were going up, and the main reason being gloomy numbers from the OBR, specifically its finding that the UK had become less efficient, putting more in but getting less out.
And lo! It happened. Despite the implications from Telegraph editorials combined with Tory broadcast rounds implied recently, this is basically what happened during the budget, which was significant, harsh, and grim.
The way in which Reeves deceived us concerned her alibi, because those OBR forecasts did not compel her actions. She might have chosen different options; she might have provided alternative explanations, including on budget day itself. Prior to the recent election, Starmer pledged precisely this kind of public influence. "The promise of democracy. The strength of the vote. The possibility for national renewal."
One year later, yet it is powerlessness that is evident from Reeves's breakfast speech. Our first Labour chancellor in 15 years casts herself to be a technocrat buffeted by forces beyond her control: "In the context of the long-term challenges with our productivity … any chancellor of any political stripe would be in this position today, facing the choices that I face."
She did make decisions, only not one the Labour party wishes to publicize. From April 2029 British workers as well as businesses are set to be paying another £26bn annually in taxes – and most of that will not go towards spent on improved healthcare, new libraries, or enhanced wellbeing. Regardless of what nonsense is spouted by Nigel Farage, Badenoch and others, it is not being lavished upon "welfare claimants".
Instead of being spent, over 50% of this additional revenue will instead give Reeves cushion against her self-imposed fiscal rules. Approximately 25% goes on covering the administration's U-turns. Examining the OBR's calculations and being as generous as possible to Reeves, a mere 17% of the tax take will fund actual new spending, for example scrapping the two-child cap on child benefit. Its abolition "costs" the Treasury only £2.5bn, as it was always an act of political theatre from George Osborne. A Labour government should have have binned it immediately upon taking office.
Conservatives, Reform and the entire Blue Pravda have been railing against the idea that Reeves fits the stereotype of Labour chancellors, soaking strivers to fund the workshy. Party MPs are applauding her budget as balm to their troubled consciences, protecting the disadvantaged. Both sides could be 180-degrees wrong: The Chancellor's budget was largely targeted towards investment funds, hedge funds and the others in the financial markets.
Downing Street can make a compelling argument for itself. The forecasts from the OBR were insufficient for comfort, especially considering lenders demand from the UK the greatest borrowing cost of all G7 rich countries – higher than France, that recently lost its leader, and exceeding Japan which has far greater debt. Coupled with the policies to hold down fuel bills, prescription charges and train fares, Starmer and Reeves can say this budget allows the Bank of England to reduce interest rates.
You can see why those wearing Labour badges may choose not to couch it in such terms when they're on #Labourdoorstep. According to one independent adviser to Downing Street says, Reeves has effectively "utilised" financial markets to act as an instrument of control over Labour MPs and the electorate. It's the reason Reeves can't resign, no matter what promises she breaks. It's why Labour MPs will have to fall into line and support measures that cut billions from social security, as Starmer indicated recently.
What's missing from this is the notion of strategic governance, of harnessing the finance ministry and the central bank to reach a fresh understanding with investors. Also absent is any intuitive knowledge of voters,
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